10 ago. Title: A regra do jogo - Cláudio Abramo, Author: Minha Biblioteca, Name: A regra do jogo - Cláudio Abramo, Length: pages, Page: 1. A Regra Do Jogo book. Read reviews from world's largest community for readers. Depoimentos de Cláudio Abramo entremeados de artigos, reportagens e. a regra do jogo claudio abramo pdf. Quote. Postby Just» Sat Mar 2, am. Looking for a regra do jogo claudio abramo pdf. Will be grateful for any help .

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in collaboration with the National Lesbian and Gay Journalists Association, (volwarmdilanmi.gq). Abramo, Claudio. A regra do jogo: O. Cláudio Abramo was a Brazilian journalist and author. Born to Vincenzo Abramo and Iole A Regra do Jogo - O Jornalismo e a Ética do Marceneiro (Companhia das Letras) Print/export. Create a book · Download as PDF · Printable version. 11 nov. PDF | The relationships between sources and newsmakers. ABRAMO, Cláudio . A regra do jogo: o jornalismo e a ética do marceneiro.

Being a communist activist was not supposed to be easy. They were to be unselfish and dedicated to the common cause and were to subordinate their personal lives to the exigencies of the collective will represented by the party.

Although the PCB was structured as a revolutionary party, it usually preferred reform to revolution. The dominant view was that there were not concrete conditions in Brazilian society to allow the party to lead a revolutionary step toward socialism. Before this, it would be necessary to consolidate capitalism, a prerequisite to the development of the truly revolutionary class: the proletariat. There were two main exceptions to that rule. From to , under the influence of Stalinism and amid the frustration of being illegal, the PCB adopted a more sectarian view and radicalized its political positions.

In contrast to other leftist organizations, it refused to support armed resistance. Despite its moderate attitude, many PCB members and sympathizers were put in prison, tortured, and killed by the regime. The chief purpose of infiltration was neither subversive changing the institutions from inside nor ideological influencing public opinion. The goal was tactical, namely, controlling key positions in institutions to obtain resources to benefit the party. Infiltration was important as an organizational resource, which was particularly significant given the clandestine situation of the party.

Measuring the presence of communists in the Brazilian newspapers at that time can be a difficult task. Given that the PCB was an illegal party, its members and sympathizers had good reasons to publicly deny having any ties to the party. Also, amid the paranoia during the cold war, and particularly during the military regime, right-wing politicians and the military indiscriminately used the labels communist and subversive to refer to political adversaries.

Based on a sample of fifty-five jour- nalists who were active in the s and s, Abreu 42 found that 43 percent of them took part in leftist political parties or movements. Among them, 61 percent declared that they had ties with the PCB. Hence, PCB members were roughly a quarter of the sample. Communists constituted one of the most organized groups in the newsrooms. They valued holding jobs in newsrooms to create net- works for mutual protection and hiring other activists and sympathizers Almeida and Weis Many communists held key positions in newsrooms.

Paulo in the s, defined himself as being a Marxist but not a Leninist. Rodrigues was a member of both the Portuguese and the Brazilian Communist Parties. These cases suggest that the PCB had put in practice a successful strategy of infiltration in the newspapers.

In effect, being a member of the PCB, or other leftist political organizations, seems to have worked for many people as a shortcut into journalism. Etevaldo Dias was associated with the PCB, and a party friend got him a job at O Jornal, where he worked for seven months without any payment before moving to O Globo Conti Other similar stories indicate that the entrance of communists in newspapers was part of a systematic plan.

The publishers were not unaware of this, but they did not seem particularly worried. Perhaps human solidarity was a factor, mainly during military dictatorships, given that com- munists were persecuted.

The PCB had tried to create a mass press to consolidate itself as a mass party during the brief period it existed as a legal political party Serra To do so, it built a substantial communication infrastructure with at least eight newspapers and some magazines.

This is why, as Rubim argues, the PCB press was a school for many journalists. Also, given that the PCB had chosen the cultural arena as its main battlefield, it dedicated significant efforts to train activists. Born in a poor family in the northeast, he had little formal education.

Because he was a mem- ber of the PCB and student activist, he suffered persecution during the military regime and fled to Rio de Janeiro. Later, he returned to Brazil and got a university degree in journalism Conti Discipline is a value with deep historical roots in the communist movement his- tory. In their Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels argued that by submit- ting industrial workers to a rigid disciplinary system, capitalism organizes workers in a military fashion and prepares them to fight united.

Lenin also valued discipline. So it is not surprising that journalists who were members of the PCB and other Marxist or Leninist groups had their own reasons to value discipline in the newsrooms. For communist journalists, discipline in the newsroom was rooted in political rather than professional reasons.

They did not believe in objectivity, yet they used it as a technical device. Many journalists thought of their work as a craft rather than as a profession. Journalists were to tell the facts as com- pletely and precisely as possible and interpret them according to their personal con- victions, although they were to try to keep an open-minded attitude.

Journalists knew that the ideology of the newspapers limited their freedom. Newspapers are hierarchi- cal organizations with publishers on the top. Members of the PCB also embraced such a position. For them, following a newsroom hierarchy was not simply a matter of keeping their jobs; it was a matter of responsibility with their political party, particularly during the military regime. Authorities could inter- pret careless and defiant individual attitudes as provocations and retaliate against all journalists, especially leftist ones, and even the newspaper.

After all, they were all subordinated to someone else. They were not supposed to make the last decisions, but in certain occasions they could make a difference for the better. This probably can help to explain why Brazilian journalists had been so acquiescent to censorship during the military regime, as Smith proposes. Self-censorship was necessary to work in a capitalist orga- nization.

The military dictatorship certainly added an element of fear to this attitude, but it did not change the nature of the problem. Communist journalists perceived the hierarchy and the discipline of newspapers as authoritarian, yet they did not believe that it was an insurmountable problem.

They valued the subordination of individuals to the collective interests and had much experience in dealing with authoritarian, hierarchical organizations. Indeed, the view of journalism as an authoritarian profession seems widespread among Brazilian jour- nalists cf.

Abramo Moreover, the relatively impersonal discipline in news- rooms could seem very sophisticated compared to in the past. Some old publishers were infamously despotic. Instead, the rigid hierarchical order of modern newsrooms seemed to be prog- ress. It had clear rules to follow. Although the autonomy of individual journalists was restrained, the autonomy of the journalists as a whole was greater. Publishers had the ultimate power, but most regular decisions were made by journalists.

While discipline refers to a relationship based on impersonal rules according to which individuals are subordinated to a rational and utilitarian order, loyalty is a tie between persons involving values such as honor, respect, and generosity.

If discipline was what communist journalists offered to publishers, loyalty refers to how they practiced it. Loyalty networks among communists constituted a resource to co-opt journalists in a disciplinary order. The admittance of members of the PCB or other leftist groups was a key ele- ment in the formation of loyalty networks in newspapers.

By admitting people whose political ideas were different from, even antagonistic to, editorial positions, publishers could claim to be open-minded and cultivate a paternalistic relationship with the journalists in exchange for respect and loyalty.

Julinho, as he called him , as a father and snob and reactionary. In both cases, the publishers are referred to in a way that mixes hierarchy doutor is com- monly used to indicate powerful people in Brazil and informality the use of per- sonal names, such as Roberto, or nicknames, such as Julinho , thus reinforcing the impression of paternalism Sennett In some occasions, a sense of loyalty seems to have had political consequences.

Silva Communist journalists also shared another conception of solidarity, more akin to a sense of being part of a group of peers—people who defended a common cause or members of the same party—than to a hierarchical, paternalistic relationship. Solidarity networks were present before the military regime came to power in , but they were reinforced during that period.

As a result of political persecution, many lost their jobs or were imprisoned Markun Given that the press offered one of the few jobs that remained open to communists, leftist journalists probably felt that their personal behaviors were responsible for keeping them available.

Loyalty networks among communist journalists can be seen as examples of clien- telistic patterns of relationships in Brazilian newsrooms. Hallin and Papathanassopoulos suggest that media—political clientelism is a common trait of Southern European and Latin American media systems. They define political clientelism in opposition to rational—legal authority.

Patrons control social resources and deliver them to clients in exchange for deference and support. Clientelism undermines the autonomy of jour- nalism as a profession, as the horizontal solidarity among journalists, thus making the development of a culture of journalistic professionalism difficult.

Opposition to rational—legal authority is not sufficient to define political clien- telism, however. As Roudakova observes, other conditions must be met to define a given pattern of relationship as clientelistic: the durability of clientelistic loyalties, a certain level of vertical solidarity between a patron and a client, and the voluntary character of patron—client ties.

All these traits can be found in the example discussed here. By mediating the relationship between publishers and staff, com- munist journalists helped to provide stability in newsrooms and thus facilitate the process of modernization of the press. There is evidence of vertical solidarity between publishers and journalists, too. By hiring a large number of leftist journal- ists, publishers of conservative newspapers could claim they were open-minded.

They also provided some protection during the harshest periods of the military regime. In exchange, journalists were expected to show respect and loyalty. However, it is incorrect to say that vertical solidarity was detrimental to forms of horizontal solidarity among journalists. This was not an ideal situation, but it was far better than during the previous despotic situation. Under these circumstances, surrendering to the particular interests of the bosses would not necessarily be interpreted as a sign of personal feebleness; rather, it was a matter of respect to the collective interests of journalists.

This does not mean that they endorsed it as their own model, however. Many Brazilian journalists used to refer to objectivity with disdain, as a myth or even a lie, but at the same time they argued that journalists must make formal use of objectivity rules e. They adhered to the model not because they believed in it but simply because it had practical value, namely, to allow them to work together despite their differences.

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Publishers, editors, and reporters drew different benefits from endorsing the American model. For some novice journalists, learning rules looked like an initiation into a kind of esoteric knowledge. As the pioneers of a new style of journalism, they could claim status as the ultimate authorities in this field.

For an entire generation of jour- nalists, they were not only hierarchically superior but also teachers of new techniques and leaders of the modernization movement of Brazilian journalism. In the absence of a shared professional culture, and given the deep ideological distance existing between the conservative publishers and many journalists, editors acted as political mediators between them. Without any support even implicit from the PCB and from other minor leftist organizations, successful mediation would have been improbable.

While it did not actively support the American journalistic model, the PCB provided newsrooms with the necessary discipline and political stability.

In summary, the marriage between newspaper publishers and communist journalists was based on convenience rather than true love. Publishers borrowed discipline and loy- alty networks from the PCB to keep their newsrooms stable and to provide necessary conditions for the modernization of their newspapers. In turn, they allowed commu- nists to use their newspapers as areas of influence within strict limits.

Crisis and Divorce A marriage of convenience lasts only while it remains convenient for both parties. By the end of the s, publishers were no longer interested in keeping the arrange- ment. The newspapers had changed. For the publishers, the costs of tolerating com- munist influence in their newspapers increasingly surpassed the benefits.

The role of the PCB as a provider of skilled journalists for the conservative newspa- pers progressively declined at that time. It is fair to suppose that the Decree Law , which regulated journalism as a profession, may have played an important role. The decree was created by the military junta that governed the country during two months in from August 31 to October Among other things, the decree established that future journalists should have an undergraduate degree in journalism to be allowed to work.

The chief intention behind the decree was to undermine the role of leftist political organizations as intermediaries in the process of admission of new journalists by forcing them to get journalists from another source. Undergraduate degrees were supposed to emphasize the technical rather than the political aspects of journalism. It stimulated the remarkable multiplication of undergraduate degrees in journalism across the coun- try.

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In , the number of programs jumped to sixty-six, a percent increase in less than three years Medina In consequence, higher numbers of journalists had university degrees during the s. The admission of new journalists became an impersonal process, which made it more difficult for the PCB and other leftist organizations to use their social net- works to infiltrate news organizations.

Getting a job was the result of having specialized skills and personal merit rather than a personal favor that they needed to return. Abramo described jour- nalists who graduated from university programs as selfish, arrogant, and imprudent. This does not mean, however, that they were more inclined to be technical, apolitical professionals. During those years, Brazilian universities were a fertile ground for radical leftist groups, which, unlike the PCB, adopted a revolutionary rhetoric and, in some cases, were engaged in guerrilla warfare against the regime.

As a consequence, many journalists came to believe that the codes of objectivity were an alibi for connivance with the regime.

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Also, newspapers became more complex, more industrial organizations at that time. Under these circumstances, the old disciplinary schema and loyalty networks that had empow- ered the PCB could not easily flourish. The way journalists perceived their roles was changing, too. As it had happened in a previous strike in , the PCB opposed the strike, and some journalists who were PCB members played a conciliatory role, mediating the relationship between the publishers and the journalists on strike.

Given that the PCB was no longer needed to provide skilled journalists, that its influence among journal- ists had decreased, and that it was insufficient in warranting discipline and loyalty in the newsrooms, publishers felt that they should exert a more direct control in the newsrooms M. The reform of the Folha de Sao Paulo provides the most dramatic example of this shift C.

Even more important, the stylebook emphasized that journalists should be integrally devoted to the newspaper and that such commitment should not be shared with any political party. For this reason, the Brazilian case presents an interesting opportunity to evaluate the actual impact of this influence from a long-term perspective. As Albuquerque had previously suggested, the Brazilian media did not simply adopt the American model but adapted it according to their own social and cultural circumstances.

In this article, we dis- cussed a particular feature of this process of adaptation: the crucial role that the communist journalists played in it. By discussing a concrete example of collaboration between communist journalists and publishers of conservative newspapers in Brazil from the s to the s, we have intended to shed a new light on this problem.

The main purpose of the infiltration was neither subversive changing the press from the inside nor ideological in a large sense influencing the public opinion , but it seems to have obeyed an organizational party logic: it served as a source of resources jobs, some political protection , particularly in the face of the clandestine situation of the PCB during that period. To allow this to happen, communist journalists behave discreetly and avoided confronting their publishers.

Given these conditions, the massive presence of communists in the newsrooms paradoxically gave publishers a source of skilled, disciplined, and loyal journalists.

Communist and other leftist editors functioned as political mediators between the publishers and the reporters. This arrangement provided a solid basis for a type of clientelistic relationship in which the publishers offered jobs and political protection in exchange for respect and loyalty. Vertical solidarity was not opposed to horizontal solidarity.

This schema presented journalists with a significant degree of autonomy in everyday work. Making political concessions seemed a fair price for autonomy. The rhetoric and practices of the American model of journalism helped to legiti- mize that unspoken agreement and provided a shared system of references that made communication between communist journalists and conservative publishers easier.

This relationship offered different benefits for them. For publishers, it allowed them to boast that they espoused liberal values and modernity, best represented by the United States, the leader of the Free World.

For communist journalists, it gave them the basis to emphasize their compromise with public service values and to claim to represent the interests of the society as a whole. Notes 1. Infiltration was a clandestine tactic used by a clandestine party. Thus, it is not surprising that there are no reliable documents from the Brazilian Communist Party PCB on this matter. However, there are good reasons to believe that this document was a fabrication.

Also, former communist journalists did not used to refer to their presence in newsrooms as the result of infiltra- tion tactics.

There are two main reasons for this. First, the term infiltration was often used by right-wing politicians and military officials to denounce insidious attempts of communists to influence the public opinion. Second, the recognition of having taken part in infiltration tactics would be interpreted as a non- professional attitude and could affect negatively their journalistic reputation.

And when a new newspaper or magazine was created, they usually were there, doing a job better as ever. They used to protect each other, and because of that, they founded dynasties that, in a lesser degree, survive until today. The copydesk emerged in U. In , it changed its name to Partido Comunista Brasileiro Brazilian Communist Party to reinforce its national character.

In , a group of unsatisfied militants left the party and founded a new party, which returned to the old denomination Partido Comunista do Brasil, also known as PCdoB. This party engaged in guerrilla warfare against the military regime in the Araguaia river region between and For an organizational view on the political parties, see Panebianco The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.

Its purpose was to replace the French-inspired model of journalism, literary and politically engaged by an informative, fact-centered model of journalism. However, Brazilian journalists did not adopt the American model in a passive manner. They reinterpreted it, in order to make it fit the characteristics of the local society. This was said to be the result of a number of factors: But does American influence apply the same way everywhere? However, though the modern style of Brazilian journalism looks very similar to its American counterpart, significant differences exist.

In particular, the ethos of objectivity has provided Brazilian journalists with much less professional autonomy than is enjoyed by American journalists. Scholars of American journalism often argue that practices like objectivity are fairly stable across time and space, and that they exist as unspoken rules of behavior, which reporters learn mostly indirectly and implicitly as part of their socialization into newsrooms e.

This has not been true in the Brazilian case. Instead, objectivity has been imposed from above, as part of an effort to control journalistic behavior. In short, far from being unspoken and implicit, the rules of objectivity have been rendered explicitly, with the specific intention of constraining journalists.

We explain these differences as a consequence of the different institutional Downloaded By: In the United States, the ethos of objectivity was institutionalized during the Progressive era, a time when professionalism was promoted in connection with a defense of technique as the basis of good government Nerone and Barnhurst, ; Schudson, , This pathway to institutionalization provided a certain degree of autonomy to journalists Soloski, The copy desk played a central role in this process.

Far from being limited to reviewing and editing tasks as in the American newspapers, the copy desk served as a core ideological and disciplinary institution in Brazil, having been described by some journalists as the very heart of the newspaper.

Here, we argue that this authoritarian pathway to modernity has hampered the process of the institutionalization of Brazilian journalism. We make this argument in four parts. The first part provides some historical contextualization for the reform of Brazilian journalism. The leading agents of reform are identified, and their main purposes and methods are discussed. In particular, we analyze the ideological and disciplinary role played by the copy desk during this process.

Overall, we argue that, by downplaying the role of reporters, and emphasizing the role of the copy desk, an authoritarian modernization logic prevented Brazilian journalism from becoming fully instititutionalized as an autonomous field. Modernizing Brazil in the s In order to better understand the modernization of Brazilian journalism in the s, it is necessary to take into account the broader economic and political changes that were occurring in Brazil at that time.

In foreign affairs, Brazil had gradually become closer to the United States since the s. Even more importantly, in the period following the Estado Novo, the working classes emerged as significant political actors, especially in larger urban centers. These circumstances provided fertile ground for a new type of political leader, one who leveraged an ability to communicate with popular sectors of society into political success.

The upper and middle classes resisted this new style of politics. The two governments had different fates. From an economic point of view, the s was a period of accelerated industrialization and urbanization in Brazil. This reform was led by three men: Sousa and Jobim had also worked as journalism professors at the University of Brazil nowadays Federal University of Rio de Janeiro , teaching a journalism course that was first instituted in The reform itself took the form of a three-act play: Downloaded By: It presents: A set of concrete recommendations for graphical presentation of drafts written by journalists.

For example, the stylebook requires that journalists always write drafts on a typewriter. It also requires news stories to be written with an opening lead, and to order information according to decreasing importance.

Modes of addressing the people pictured in the news.

Grammatical rules referring to the use of capital letters, exclamation marks and quotation marks. In a reflection on the stylebook, Pompeu de Sousa a, pp. It was the first step in a more ambitious plan to replace the old, French-styled Brazilian journalism with a new, American-inspired model. In an article written for Journalism Quarterly, Danton Jobim took up the argument for the superiority of the American over the French model.

In making the case for the superiority of the American model, Jobim argues that the French model fails to accept that daily journalism is a business, not a priesthood. With its emphasis on politics and literary style, the French model suffers from a deficit of basic facts: Jobim and Sousa refer to the dominant formulae used for opening the news in French and American journalism as a synthesis of the insuperable differences between the two models.

The wax nose was a kind of moral commentary provided at the beginning of news stories before the presentation of basic facts. However, the new rules had to be enforced. Thus, newspaper reformers decided that it was necessary to hire new journalists in order to put the new rules into practice. Who were these journalists, and how were they chosen?

According to Sousa b, p. Nilson Lage , p. When candidates applied for a job at the newspaper, they were given the stylebook, sent home to study, and then were tested a few days later. Once hired, new journalists went through an intense training program. Sousa b describes them as bright, dynamic, virtuous, and motivated persons, different in almost every way from those who came before them.

Of course, Sousa had a built-in bias toward the new reporters. These journalists succeeded in being recognized as the most important interpretive authorities on Brazilian journalism. For reform to really take hold, however, the new rules had to be institutionalized. The copy desk came to play this role.

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The origin of the copy desk in the United States can be traced back to the second half of the nineteenth century, as a consequence of the separation of mechanical from editorial work. The copy desk was the point of contact between the newsroom and the composing room, between the people who wrote the news and those responsible for manufacturing the newspaper Nerone and Barnhurst, This separation of mechanical from editorial work played an important role in providing journalists more autonomy to do their work outside the gaze of editors.

In contrast to the glamor of reporting, copyediting came to be viewed as a mostly unpleasant and thankless job Solomon, For example, Gay Talese , p. On the other hand, the role that newspaper reformers attributed to the copy desk was not primarily technical, but disciplinary and ideological. Its central purpose was to shape news texts to the requirements of an industrial rhythm of news making, and to disseminate the modern, American-based model of journalism among Brazilian journalists.

They looked at it as a kind of school of modern journalism. For this reason, they believed that the best journalists should work there.

Consequently, journalists who could write well were recruited to the copy desk. Once there, they earned a better salary than most reporters. Some contemporary journalists complained about this situation. According to Dines , as news writing improved, newsgathering got worse. Despite these criticisms, however, the copy desk remained the backbone of most Brazilian newsrooms until the s.

The authoritarian-modernization of Brazilian journalism is in some ways similar to its macro-economic counterpart. Like macro-economic authoritarian moderniza- tion efforts, the modernization of journalism is often motivated by a perception of inferiority. This is to say, for us authoritarian modernization is a distinctive form of modernization within journalism consisting of a particular set of micro-practices and values.

For example, notwithstanding the notable influence that the vigorous and authoritarian style of John Reith exerted on the building of the BBC, that alone does not provide a good example of an authoritarian modernization process. Additionally, the authoritarian modernization of journalism tends to be more efficient when journalists do not share a strong professional culture.

Ryfe provides an interesting illustration of this point in a discussion of how a deeply embedded culture of professionalism allowed the reporters of a mid-sized American newspaper to react against, and finally foil the attempts of a new editor to impose new rules on them for gathering and reporting the news. Defined in this specific way, the authoritarian modernization model sheds new light on the problem of journalistic professionalism.

Used in this sense, the terms are opposed to amateurism for a critique of such imprecise use of the term professionalism see Lilleker and Negrine, Other authors propose more rigorous definitions. Journalistic professionalism, in particular, has been associated with Downloaded By: Some authors evaluate journalistic profession- alism negatively in comparison to other professions. According to Zelizer , p.Like other Leninist parties, the PCB aimed to maintain member discipline and hierarchy according to the principles of democratic central- ism.

Pantheon Books. Arthur Mora rated it it was amazing Mar 11, Journalistic professionalism, in particular, has been associated with Downloaded By: Similarly, the adaptation of the practices emphasized some traits of American journalism.

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